忙得累，西北爽！

这几天一直“忙”着游山玩水
28/5，晚，在老街场吃咖哩面+jawa面，然后去观赏一部半夜场的电影“pirate of caribbean 4”
29/5，在eupe享用早餐 >> Wat Charok Padang >> Beris Lake >> Grapes Farm >> Gunung Jelai >> 二街享用晚餐 >> Village Musical
30/5，在老街场吃卤面 >> 参与课程 >> 百福花园吃laksa >> 在Mae Salong吃晚餐 >> Hot Spring
31/5，桃园吃点心>>参加课程>> 二街对面吃蒸饭>> Intan码头吃晚餐

在漫游中创造双赢的人生

刘轩“在漫游中创造双赢的人生”中畅谈了自己从Harvard大学毕业后到今日一路走来的个人点滴。
在讲座结束前，刘轩总结出3个要点：

• 个人核心价值 what is my core value

• 慢下来，享受过程

• 不害怕重新开始

2个烂苹果，如何是好？

一直以来，华小分为全津贴与半津贴。它们的分别是半津贴学校，政府只付师资，其余的自己保重啦。华社每年所缴的税占全国的税收没有100%也有90%吧？但是华社所获得却是怎样的回馈呢？
自从民联执政吉打州之后，民联州政府通过一些拨款协助州内华小缴交拖欠的水电费。但是这些拨款根本无法缴清拖欠的水电费，所以才闹出“新民小学退还吉政府拨款”的新闻。
咦，当国阵州政府（包括马华在内）执政吉打州时，怎么却没有看到任何拨款给州内华小解决这问题啊？现在的民联州政府也拨款给州内的3所独中耶，打破了国阵（马华）的50年政绩吧？
尽管如此，吉打州民联（回教党）政府有一个败笔的地方是花3亿5000万令吉在Kuala Ketil建立回教大学。为何不建一所更适合全州子民都能够选择入读的大学呢？
还记得308大选前，回教党推出了“Pas For All”，甚至是“月亮代表我的心”的口号都跑到哪里去了啊？
3亿5000万令吉可不是一笔小数目，建筑工程的进展才约25%。说得难听一点，万一下一届大选民联州政府上演滑铁卢，那个工程不就胎死腹中？谁来收拾残局？

还记得513吗？

过去的43年，也就是1969年5月13日这一天，是马来西亚最黑暗的一天——排华事件。
我相信许多跟我同一辈及90后都不知道过去的历史发生事件。

时至今日，官方未曾公布事件的真实情况，在历史教科书也只不过轻描淡写的带过。多亏网络的发达，我们现在能够获取一些有关方面的资料。

尽管如此，还是希望政府能够公开有关官方文件让各族人民参阅以便大家更加了解。并且以回顾的角度及理性的方式来处理历史事件，及作出有关的努力来补偿。
还记得从懂事的那一天起，华人时不时被政客恐吓再一次513，这种感觉真的很gg。
但愿政客们是想点法子来团结马来西亚的各族人民，让这片国土永享安宁，国家能够持续的发展，各族人民能够过更好的生活，而不是以各种课题来玩弄种族情绪。

1969年5月13日——马来西亚排华事件的真实故事（四）

The REAL Story of May 13 (Part 4)

（转载：www.freeanwar.net/jan2003/article300103.htm）

This article by Raja Petra was first published in Harakah on 24 September 1999.

In a Press Statement released by UMNO's Secretary General, Senu Abdul Rahman, reported by the Utusan Melayu newspaper on 6 June 1969, it said:

"Mahathir Mohamad ceases to be a member of the UMNO Supreme Council with effect from today, 12 July 1969.

This decision was taken following the wide distribution to the public of Mahathir's letter to Tunku Abdul Rahman, President of UMNO Malaysia.

Letters containing important matters should first be discussed by UMNO's Supreme Council, especially in view of the present situation in the country.

The action taken by Mahathir is seen to be in breach of the party's etiquette and is capable of damaging party solidarity and the government which the party supports."

Mahathir replied to this in his letter to the Tengku dated 17th June 1969.

"Your opinions were based on stories you heard from people who surround you, and who tell you only what they think you like to hear or should hear. Permit me to tell you what the position, the thoughts and the opinions of the people are really, so that you can understand my motive for making that press statement.

You yourself told me that you have prevented a riot by commuting the death sentence of the 11 subversive Chinese. In truth this very action sparked the riots of 13 May, which resulted in the deaths of many, many more.

Your 'give and take' policy gives the Chinese everything they ask for. The climax was the commuting of the death sentence, which made the majority of the Malays angry. The Chinese on the other hand regarded you and the Alliance government as cowards and weaklings who could be pushed around.

That was why the Chinese and the Indians behaved outrageously toward the Malays on 12th May. If you had been spit in the face, called dirty names and shown obscene gestures and private parts, then you could understand how the Malays felt. The Malays whom you thought would never rebel went berserk, and they hate you for giving too much face. The responsibility of the deaths of these people, Muslim or Infidels, rests on the shoulders of the leader who holds views based on wrong assumptions.

I regret writing this letter, but I have to convey to you the feelings of the Malays. In truth the Malays whether they are UMNO or PMIP supporters really hate you, especially those who had lost homes, children and relatives, because of your 'give and take' policy.

They said you wanted to be known only as 'The Happy Prime Minister' even though others are suffering. They said that although the country was in a state of emergency you were engrossed playing poker with your Chinese friends. Even the policemen said that you were using official cars and police escorts to contact your poker gang.

Lately, another disturbing factor came to light. The Malays in the Civil Service, from Permanent Secretary downwards, Army Officers and the Malays in the Police Force have lost faith and respect for you. I know that the majority of them voted for the PMIP through mail ballots....

I wish to convey what the people really think, that is that it is high time you resign as our Prime Minister and UMNO leader.

I am fully aware of the powers you still hold and I remember too well the fate of AZIZ ISHAK. But I would be irresponsible if I do not explain what I have said earlier. Even if I am jailed, I have to say what I have already said.

Once more I wish to repeat that the statement I made [on the continued exclusion of the MCA from the Cabinet] is to prevent the Malays from hating the Government more and to stop the Chinese from abusing the dignity of the Malays. A bigger riot will occur if this is allowed. The military itself will be beyond control.

I pray to God it will open your heart to accept the truth bitter though it may be."

Soon after, the Tengku stepped aside and Tun Razak took over as Prime Minister. The opposition parties were invited to join the government and the Alliance gave way to the Barisan Nasional giving the government back their two-thirds majority in Parliament. Later on, of course, PAS left the BN to stay on as an opposition party.

This was a conspiracy at the highest level and nothing short of a power struggle with the "Young Turks" then forming the pressure group. To achieve their ends, they very cleverly used race to make the Malays rise and push Tengku aside.

Today they are doing it again, but this time to try to push keADILan and PAS aside. This is dangerous politics. It may backfire and, instead, it may make the Malays rise against the non-Malays, like what happened in 1969 -- a fire raging out of control and no fire extinguisher in sight.

We must never allow our country to be turned into a racial battlefield again. Let politics be issues concerning policies, civil rights, good governance and justice. Let us not allow anyone to bring race and religion into our politics lest we suffer the fate of many countries around us where mass murders of entire families are made in the name of “bangsa” and “agama”.

RAJA PETRA KAMARUDIN

1969年5月13日——马来西亚排华事件的真实故事（三）

The REAL Story of May 13 (Part 3)

（转载：www.freeanwar.net/jan2003/article170103.htm）

This article by Raja Petra was first published in Harakah on 24 September 1999.

The move to push Tunku Abdul Rahman aside had started. They needed something to trigger off some form of resentment against the government. They needed the Malays to rise, and what better platform to exploit than a racial platform?

Prior to that, 11 Chinese prisoners were sentenced to death for killing a Malay prison warden in Pudu Jail. This was subsequently turned into a Malay-Chinese issue.

The Malays wanted the 11 Chinese punished. The Chinese wanted their death sentence commuted. And demonstrations were held in the Chinese dominated areas around Kuala Lumpur to pressure the government to pardon the 11. In one large demonstration outside Pudu Jail, the riot police had to be called in the break up the demonstration with teargas. That was my first experience with teargas, and I was only 19 then.

The government had no choice but to back down, thereby angering the Malays.

In another incident, some Chinese demonstrated in front of the United States Information Service (USIS) office and one demonstrator was shot dead by a panicking Malay policeman -- interpreted as another Malay-Chinese thing.

The Chinese wanted a funeral procession but the police would not grant them permission as they knew it would attract a huge crowd and the funeral would be turned into a demonstration instead. Tun Razak, however, told the police to grant them permission and ordered the police off the streets. The resulting "giant" parade built up tensions further.

The May 1969 General Elections were held soon after and the Alliance Party won only 40% of the votes resulting in it losing its two-thirds majority in Parliament. It also lost a couple of states to the opposition plus its two-thirds majority in others.

The opposition parties held "victory parades" which turned into a mud-slinging and name-calling session. The Malays were now really angry and decided to hold a victory parade of their own. Dato Harun, the then Chief Minister of Selangor, was given the task of managing this "event".

On May 13, the entire cabinet withdrew to Frazers Hill while the Malays prepared for trouble. People in the top echelon of the government and commerce were tipped off to get out of town or go home early and, by 3.00pm, the city was quite deserted of the elite except for the unknowing rakyat.

That same evening, racial riots exploded. Parliament was dissolved, thereby saving the Alliance government that no longer had a majority in Parliament, and power was transferred to Deputy Prime Minister Tun Abdul Razak under the National Operations Council (NOC).

The Tunku was now powerless.

Mahathir then increased his attacks on the Tunku using race as his platform. He also called for MCA's expulsion from the Alliance to "punish" the Chinese. Instead, Dr Mahathir was expelled from Umno as the Utusan Malaysia newspaper report of 6 June 1969 reveals:

KUALA LUMPUR 5 June - Some leading members of UMNO's Supreme Council have voiced their support for the decision by MCA leadership to exclude themselves from the Cabinet. Among them are Tan Sri Syed Jaafar Albar, Dr. Mahathir bin Mohamad and Syed Nasir bin Ismail.

In a meeting with Utusan Malaysia, Tan Sri Syed Jaafar emphasised his disapproval of efforts made to ask MCA to re-enter the Cabinet.

"I do not agree with the way some Chinese chambers of commerce have stated their confidence and support of Tun Tan Siew Sin and their asking him to reconsider MCA's decision to withdraw from the Cabinet," he said.

According to him, the problem now was not the question of confidence towards Tun Tan Siew Sin as the MCA leader, but whether the Chinese supported the present policies of the Alliance.

"This is the matter that should be considered by these people who are making a big fuss about giving their support to Tun Tan Siew Sin today," he added.

Tan Sri Jaafar Albar also stated that the support given to Tun Tan Siew Sin by the Chinese Chambers of Commerce was not sufficient because support had to come from the majority of the Chinese population.

He stated that discussions about MCA's inclusion in the Cabinet should not be confined to the newspapers or to MCA alone because UMNO, as the backbone of the Alliance party, had not decided yet if MCA and MIC should be included in the Cabinet or if the Alliance should remain as it was then.

He said: "It is not only the duty of MCA to discuss this matter as if it is its own peculiar problem, but it should be the responsibility of all the Alliance leaders from the UMNO, MCA, and MIC."

However, he did not want to give his final views before the party met to discuss the matter.

Mahathir, who supported Tan Sri Syed Jaafar's statement, stressed that MCA leaders had to adhere to their earlier decision of not wanting to be included in the Cabinet.

He said that he agreed with the view of MCA leaders that they could not actually represent the people they claimed to represent.

According to Mahathir, the support given to Tun Tan Siew Sin by the Chinese chambers of commerce and other Chinese organisations could not be taken as support from the Chinese community as a whole to MCA because those organisations did not represent the desires of the Chinese community as a whole.

"If MCA wants to know whether they have the support of the Chinese, they have to wait for the next general election. Since this will take quite some time, it is no longer necessary for MCA to remain in the Cabinet," he emphasised.

Mahathir also said that MIC's position in the Cabinet should also be reconsidered.

Syed Nasir stressed that on the whole, the relationship between UMNO, MCA and MIC had to be reviewed to take in the changes which had taken place after the general elections.

"The people have expressed their needs and desires, and there is little point in pretending that the policies of the Alliance party are the best acceptable to them," he said.

RAJA PETRA KAMARUDIN

1969年5月13日——马来西亚排华事件的真实故事（二）

The REAL Story of May 13 (Part 2)

（转载：http://www.freeanwar.net/jan2003/article080103.htm）

This article by Raja Petra was first published in Harakah on 24 September 1999.

It was now twelve years after Merdeka and the "young Turks" in UMNO were getting restless and wanted a change of leadership. These young Turks such as Hussein Onn and Dr Mahathir Mohamad had no sentimental attachments to the British, as they were educated in India and Singapore respectively. They were also angry that Tengku Abdul Rahman surrounded himself with Chinese businessman.

Mahathir made this point very clear in his letter to the Tengku which goes as follows:

"You have become so powerful, both by virtue of your office and by popular acclaim, that UMNO has become subservient to you. UMNO is being held together, not because the members share your ideas on politics, but through a system of patronage and disguised coercion based on Government rather than party authority.

A feeling of power normally grips those who wield patronage, a feeling that they can mould and shape people and opinions any way they please. The leaders of UMNO, the senior partners of the Alliance Government, have succumbed to this disease and, believing that they no longer need to heed the opinions of their supporters, they disregard them at every turn.

Laws have been hurriedly passed without prior consultation with the representatives who have had to "sell" these laws to the people. Tax innovations have been made and discarded with complete disregard for the disrupting effect on the public. In the main, Parliamentary sittings are regarded as a pleasant formality which afford members an opportunity to be heard and quoted, but which have absolutely no effect on the course of the Government. The sittings are a concession to a superfluous democratic practice. Off and on, this strength is used to change the constitution. The manner, the frequency, and the trivial reasons for altering the constitution have reduced this supreme law of the nation to a useless scrap of paper.

Your Ministers and the Cabinet are vested with this decision-making authority. It is obvious that only the most capable and experienced should be made Ministers and be in the Cabinet. But independent Malaysia has chosen to treat membership of the Cabinet as a reward for loyalty to party chiefs and acceptability to the Prime Minister. Once appointed, no amount of dereliction of duty could affect the position of a Minister. On the other hand, even if the Minister performs well, failure to remain on good terms with the Prime Minister means removal from the Ministry.

Your Government of mediocre people is bereft of ideas, is unable to understand the limits of their authority, and is generally unable to rule. All the while, however, your Government is busy on devices to perpetuate itself. These devices are so transparent and so lacking in subtlety that they achieve just the opposite effect.

May I remind you, Merdeka has brought power and wealth to the new Malay elite. Politics is found to be the panacea. It provides a shortcut to everything. It makes possible the attainment of positions of immense power. These Malays are in a position to acquire riches.

At first, this might seem grossly unfair. These few Malays - for they are still only a very few - have waxed riches not because of themselves, but because of the policy of a Government supported by a huge majority of poor Malays. It would seem that the efforts of the poor Malays have gone to enrich a select few of their own people. The poor Malays themselves have not gained one iota. With the existence of the few rich Malays, at least the poor Malays can say that their fate is not entirely to serve the rich non-Malays. From their point of view of racial ego, and this ego is still strong, the unseemly existence of Malay tycoons is essential.

The various races in Malaysia are differentiated not merely by ethnic origin, but also by many other characteristics. These characteristics are important. How these characteristics develop is another matter, but when races compete in a given field, these characteristics play an extremely important role. The Jews, for example are not merely hook-nosed, but understand money instinctively.

The possession of these characteristics means little until different races come into contact with each other. Jewish stinginess and financial wizardry gained them the commercial control of Europe and provoked an anti-Semitism, which waxed and waned throughout Europe through the ages.

The first thing that comes to mind is that the vast majority of Malays are feudalistic and wish to remain so. A revolution, which starts off by preaching the destruction of the established monarchical order, will therefore fail. It will not win the support of the majority of orthodox Malays. In any case, the monarch has done no real harm to the Malays or to anyone else. The maintenance of the system is no doubt costly, but being separated from power, the ruler cannot constitute a tyranny. Besides, a Malaysia without rulers would mean the complete eclipse of the Malays. It is the rulers who have in the past furnished and continued to present the Malay character of Malaysia. Remove them, and the last vestige of traditional Malaysia would disappear. It is essential therefore that the monarchy remains.

To take on an adversary when it seems to be beyond one's capacity is courageous. To calculate and assess one's chances first is to exhibit cowardice. Time and again this inability or unwillingness to measure the odds against them has led to defeat and disaster for the Malays. The courageous or brave Malay is usually foolhardy, and because he is likely to do things without thinking of the consequences, the average Malay treats him with fear and respect. The ordinary man knows that it is not worthwhile to incur his displeasure and that it is safer to let him have his own way. The ordinary man therefore represents the other extreme when principle is easily set aside for the sake of safety.

Even feudalism can be beneficial if it facilitates changes. The political Rajas of today can, therefore, institute change if they themselves are willing to change. Such a change would spread rapidly. If the indications are that there should be a change in the value system and ethical code, then the leaders can lead the way with the certainty that they will be followed by the masses. In a feudal society, if the leaders fail, then there is little hope for the masses."

RAJA PETRA KAMARUDIN

1969年5月13日——马来西亚排华事件的真实故事（一）

The REAL Story of May 13 (Part 1)

（转载：http://www.freeanwar.net/jan2003/article020103.htm）

This article by Raja Petra was first published in Harakah on 24 September 1999.

UMNO is at it again! They are going round the country saying that keADILan and PAS have allowed the National Mosque to be used by non-Muslims to attack Muslims. UMNO politicians and Pusat Islam officials have likened the non-Muslims to “unclean” people because of their pork-eating and liquor-drinking so they should not have been allowed into the mosque.

Maybe these narrow-minded people have not noticed the daily busloads of foreign tourists visiting the National Mosque as part of their itinerary? Have these foreign (non-Muslim) tourists been screened whether they eat pork or drink liquor before being allowed into the mosque? I bet not!

UMNO adopted this very dangerous strategy once, 30 years ago, back in 1969, which resulted in the infamous May 13 racial riots. Now they are doing it again. It was a very narrow-minded and shortsighted strategy then. It still is now -- maybe even more so now seeing that we have entered the borderless cyber age and are about to enter a new millennium.

Race and religion should no longer be used to separate Malaysians in the divide-and-rule policy of the Barisan Nasional government. The Malays, Chinese and Indians must protest strongly and reject this outdated racial politics that is extremely dangerous and can disrupt the peace and stability of this multi-racial, multi-religious country of ours. UMNO is saying one thing to the Malays, and the opposite to the non-Malays. This is the height of hypocrisy.

Do any of you know the REAL story behind May 13 -- how is started, why it was started, and who started it? If not, then let me take you down memory lane.

Contrary to what the (local) history books try to tell us, May 13 was NOT about Malay and Chinese rivalry. It may have eventually ended that way, but that definitely was not how it started out. May 13 was basically a Malay political struggle with racialism used as a camouflage.

To understand May 13, we need to go back to the pre-Merdeka days to see how independence was achieved and how the first leaders of independent Malaya were groomed to take over running the country.

The British knew that, one day, they would have to grant independence to Malaya. India, Indonesia, the Philippines, and many countries around this region had already gained independence from their colonial masters. In 1946, the independence movement in Malaya had also started, giving birth to the first Malay political party, UMNO. It was a matter of time before the British would have to give in to the demands of the Malays.

The British thought that the best way to grant independence to Malaya, yet still have some control over their old colony, would be to groom the leaders who would take over and educate them the British way so that they would soon become more English than the Englishman.

In the mid 1940s, the British doors were thrown open to the Malays and the first batch of Malays was brought over to England to receive an English education. These were mostly the sons of the elite and royalty -- Tengku Abdul Rahman, Tun Razak, and many more future leaders of Malaya. Tengku Rahman was definitely given special treatment by the British to the extent he was the only student in Cambridge history ever allowed to own a car on campus (everyone else rode bicycles). He drove a MG sports car and spent his years enjoying the lifestyle of the rich and famous.

Eventually these young graduates of an English education were brought back to Malaya and given government posts as part of their training to one day take over the reins of power. As an example Tengku became a District Officer in Kedah, a post normally reserved for the "white man".

Needless to say, these English educated Malays enjoyed all the trappings of England including cricket, rugby, tea-at-four, brandy-after-dinner, and so on, not to mention a day at the dog races.

Eventually, Merdeka was won and, in 1957, the local Malays took over running the government. But it was merely a changing of the skin colour. The management style remained the same. It was Merdeka without losing the English influence. In fact, as mentioned earlier, the Malays of this era tended to be more English than even the Englishmen.

RAJA PETRA KAMARUDIN

513事件发生后，马来西亚国父的个人记录

The Tunku on how "May 13" began

（转载：malaysia-today.net/mtcolumns/no-holds-barred/40387-remember-may-13）

From his residence in Penang, 1972:

“It was clear to me as well as the police that in the highly charged political atmosphere after the police were forced to kill a Chinese political party worker on May 4th, 1969, something was bound to happen to threaten law and order because of the resentment towards the Government by the KL Chinese on the eve of the general election. This was confirmed at this man’s funeral on the 9th May when the government faced the most hostile crowd it had ever seen.

Therefore, when the opposition parties applied for a police permit for a procession to celebrate their success in the results of the general election, I was adamant against it because the police were convinced that this would lead to trouble.

I informed Tun Razak about this and he seemed to agree. Now, without my knowledge and actually “behind my back,” there were certain political leaders in high positions who were working to force me to step down as a PM. I don’t want to go into details but if they had come to me and said so I would gladly have retired gracefully.

Unfortunately, they were apparently scheming and trying to decide on the best way to force me to resign. The occasion came when the question of the police permit was to be approved.

Tun Razak and Harun Idris, the MB of the state of Selangor, now felt that permission should be given knowing fully well that there was a likelihood of trouble. I suppose they felt that when this happened they could then demand my resignation.

To this day I find it very hard to believe that Razak, whom I had known for so many years, would agree to work against me in this way. Actually, he was in my house as I was preparing to return to Kedah and I overhead him speaking to Harun over the phone saying that he would be willing to approve the permit when I left. I really could not believe what I was hearing and preferred to think it was about some other permit. In any case, as the Deputy Prime Minister in my absence from KL, he would be the Acting PM and would override my objection. Accordingly, when I was in my home in Kedah, I heard over the radio that the permit had been approved.

It seems as though the expected trouble was anticipated and planned for by Harun and his UMNO Youth. After the humiliating insults hurled by the non-Malays, especially the Chinese, and after the seeming loss of Malay political power to them, they were clearly ready for some retaliatory action. After meeting in large numbers at Harun’s official residence in Jalan Raja Muda near Kampong Bahru and hearing inflammatory speeches by Harun and other leaders, they prepared themselves by tying ribbon strips on their foreheads and set out to kill Chinese. The first hapless victims were two of them in a van opposite Harun’s house who were innocently watching the large gathering. Little did they know that they would be killed on the spot.

The rest is history. I am sorry but I must end this discussion now because it really pains me as the Father of Merdeka to have to relive those terrible moments. I have often wondered why God made me live long enough to have witnessed my beloved Malays and Chinese citizens killing each other.”

再输就不入阁！

马华总会长早些日子放话要是来届大选的成绩比过去的308大选来得差，马华将不会入阁，顿时引起马华党员上下“一条心”应和。

在报章上，我们可以看到各种对于“马华不入阁”的评论。在这，我只想对马华总会长说，要是您领导的马华在来届大选时真的一面倒或者再失去半壁江山，那时您不就得引咎辞职吗？

到时候，那些中选的马华代表还会听您的话吗？说不定那些中选的国州议员还会逼您下台，而且还会竞选马华主席职呢！

p/s:2008的大选，马华竞选40国会议席和90州议席，但只赢得15国和31州

儿童文学（二）：童话

童话没有时与地的明确指示，又其重心不在人物而在事件。

民间童话的艺术形态

【口语讲述性】

• 通俗易懂，这种语言使传达的信息变得明确、可靠，最终使人对故事产生信赖。

• 没有详细的描写，也没有附加的修饰，没有赘言，单纯、明快，一清二楚，进展迅速，直奔目标。

【一次元性】

• 民间童话里存在着2个世界，一个是神魔、幽灵等居住的超自然的世界，另一个是普通人类居住的现实世界。
• 民间童话里的人物的精神世界里，现实世界和超自然世界之间浑然一体，互不隔绝。
• 好人就万般皆好，坏人就十恶不赦，聪明人是聪明绝顶，愚蠢汉是愚蠢到家。
• 其名字也就大都被固定了，一般来说，德国的叫汉斯，俄国的叫伊万，日本的叫太郎，英国的叫汤姆或杰克，中国的叫张三、李四、砍柴的、打猎的。
• 民间童话对数字有固定的偏好，出现较多的是三、七、十二、四十、一百这些数字。

【非写实性】

• 民间故事正如其名字所示，是以故事的开展为欣赏的乐趣，所以，只是把类型化的登场人物从这一点引向下一点，而不会为了描写停留在某个地方。
• 不会为了描写停留在某个地方——比如写森林，就直接写“阔达的森林”/“阴暗的森林”，然后就不停地让故事向前发展，

【模式化】

• 民间童话的叙述的开头和结尾的模式是：“从前……”、“在很久很久以前……”、“倘若他们还没有死，那么他们还没有死，那么他们今天还活着”、“从此他们过上了幸福的生活。”

童话故事在追逐奔跑，千钧一发的情节后，还有严肃的戏剧起伏，能反映出孩童内心世界发生的事件。虽然童话故事最初的吸引力可能在于它能取悦孩子，但它的魅力持久不衰，则是因为它能帮孩子处理成长过程中必须面对的内心冲突。

民间童话处理的是虚荣、贪吃、嫉妒、色欲、欺骗、贪婪和懒惰这“童年的七大罪”，它由“女巫”来代表和呈现。但是，女巫并非真实的人，而是一种心理力量的表征，在无数民间童话中，女巫都代表所有孩子努力抗拒的某种天性。

童话故事之所以能解决这些冲突，是因为它提供孩子一个舞台，演练内心的冲突。儿童在聆听童话故事时，会不自觉地把自己内心各部分投射到故事中不同角色身上，在各个角色身上“存放”内心对立的各种特质。

从心里观点来看，快乐结局象征自我正面的力量获胜，女巫被除掉，她代表的邪恶部分随之消灭，儿童就不再受到自我谴责，自我怀疑的干扰。自我经历了变化——也就是所谓的洗涤，让小读者感到安全，自我肯定。

心理学家 雪登。凯许登

朗读儿歌：《孙悟空打妖怪》

早些日子，我让一群8岁的小朋友朗读这首连锁调《孙悟空打妖怪》，取自朱自强老师主编的《快乐语文读本》。

唐僧骑马咚那个咚，
后面跟着孙悟空。
孙悟空，跑得快，
后面跟着个猪八戒。
猪八戒，鼻子长，
后面跟着个沙和尚。
沙和尚，挑担箩，
后面跟着个老妖婆。
老妖婆，心最毒，
骗过唐僧和老猪。
唐僧老猪真糊涂，
是人是妖分不出。
分不出，上了当，
多亏悟空眼睛亮。
眼睛亮，冒金光，
高高举起金箍棒。
金箍棒，有力量，
妖魔鬼怪消灭光。

首先，我先朗读一遍给他们听。过后，我让他们抄下来。他们非常喜欢这首连锁调。
得到的反馈信息是有一位优秀生竟然在听过2遍后能够背诵！虽然不是背诵整首，可是八九不离十。
另外一位则是学习程度较弱的小朋友对我说：“我也会背，只是不知道字怎样写”。
我在想往后的日子，如有机会跟他们分享类似的儿歌时，是否应该复印给他，进而提高他们的识字量及学习语文的兴趣。

儿童文学（一）：儿歌

朱自强老师将来马给予讲座，所以重读他的著作《儿童文学概论》，并作了些笔记。

儿歌的定义及分类

儿歌就是指民间流传的或文人拟作的供儿童吟唱的歌谣。儿歌的最简洁的定义是“儿童歌谣”。对“儿童歌谣”，取一、三两个字，就是“儿歌”，取二、四两字，就是“童谣”。

儿歌可以分为民间儿歌和创作儿歌。

【民间儿歌】就是流传于民间儿童的口头上的歌谣，它属于民间文学范畴，具有集体性，口头性，变异性，传承性。它的传承性是其精到地捕捉住人类共通的审美情趣后产生的必然结果。

【创作儿歌】是个人的创作，具有比较鲜明的个性化特征，其内容和形式都折射着作家本人的思想、情感以及审美趣味。具有比较强的现实性和时代感，所表现的生活更为儿童读者熟悉。

儿歌的价值

• 蕴藏着厚重的思想和艺术价值。
• 在思想方面，儿歌，特别是传统儿歌，传递的是人生必需的、端正的价值观念。
• 儿歌具有记载、保存民俗的功能和价值。
• 儿歌在幼儿的精神成长中发挥着重要的作用。
  

张打铁，
李打铁，
打把剪刀送姐姐。
姐姐留我歇一歇，
我要回家学打铁。

• 这首儿歌以肯定的儿童形象，张扬了一种踏实可靠的人生态度。

儿歌的艺术特质

1.趣味性

• 儿童吟唱儿歌，主要是为了从中获得快乐。儿歌所蕴藏的趣味性主要表现在2个方面。

• 表现内容上的趣味性。“大头大头，下雨不愁。你有雨伞，我有大头。”
  

• 语言形式上的趣味性。“扁担长，板凳宽，板凳没有扁担长，扁担没有板凳宽。”

2.浅易性

• 儿歌是提供儿童唱诵的，而不是提供儿童阅读。因此，它在内容上必须浅显，适合儿童的生活经验、思想感情和语言程度，这样儿童才能一听就懂。
• 一首儿歌一般只说明一个意思。
• 易记易唱

3.音乐性

• 儿歌的音乐性体现在语言所具有的优美节奏上。

满天星——星

眨眨眼——睛

那颗最——亮

照着北——京

• 儿歌的音乐性还体现在押韵上。

一二三四五，上山打老虎。

老虎打不到，打到小松鼠。

松鼠有几个，让我数一数，

数来又数去，一二三四五。

儿歌的形式

1. 摇篮曲——是用母亲的口吻唱给婴儿听，哄婴儿睡觉的歌谣。
2. 游戏歌——有些游戏在进行的过程中需要伴随着儿歌的吟唱，这样的歌就叫做“游戏歌”
3. 数数歌——巧妙地把数字与一定的情节联系起来，押韵顺口，让幼儿一方面享受到吟唱儿歌的快乐，一方面掌握了关于数字的知识。
4. 绕口令——把双声或叠韵的词语巧妙地安插在一首重重叠叠的歌谣里。由于读音相近，容易混淆，念诵时极易出差错，而这正是绕口令的有趣之处。
5. 连锁调——采用顶真手法结构全歌，即把上句结尾的词语重复用在下一句的开头，或者使用谐音词作为连接上下句的桥梁。
6. 问答调——也叫对歌，它通过设问作答这种形式，引导儿童认识事物或一定的道理。
7. 谜语歌——谜语的主要特点是谜面用比喻、拟人、象征等手法，含蓄地透露出作为谜底的事物的某种特征。“弟兄七八个，抱住柱子过，老来分了家，衣服都扯破。”（大蒜）
8. 颠倒歌——所表现的都是现实中的事物的方面，具有诙谐、滑稽、幽默的意味。
9. 时序歌——是按季节顺序来表现自然景物的变化或人们的生产、生活活动的歌谣。
10. 字头歌——主要的特点表现在押韵上。字头歌有2种押韵方式，一种是以“子”或“头”押韵，一种是采用儿化韵。

• “天上有日头，地下有石头，嘴里有舌头，瓶口有塞头。”

• “小小子儿开铺儿，开开铺儿两扇门儿，小桌子儿小椅子儿，乌木筷子儿小碟儿。”